Liberty through Challenging Boundaries,
Justice through Resisting
Justice through Resisting
- Speech outline by Hew Kuan
Yau -
自由是踩界踩出来的，公义是抗争抗出来的
[Editor’s note] This article is written by Dr. Hew Kuan Yau, political scientist specially for “NGOs・Parliamentary Struggle・ Democracy and Human Rights” forum in commemoration of the 12th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee held on 20 October 2013 at Cathay Restaurant, Kulai. This text is translated by Sahabat Rakyat from the original Chinese version.
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1. UMNO takes an
even hardline of Malay hegemonic rule
2. Other BN
component parties fade into irrelevance; they fail to draw the attention of the
public despite dramatic power struggle
3. PR is demoralised
and lacks cohesion among 3 parties, and inspiring political discourse
4. PR’s
representatives lack the courageous spirit to challenge the regime outside of
legislative
5. Ubah polarized: “real-cynicism” and “fake-radicalism”
5. Ubah polarized: “real-cynicism” and “fake-radicalism”
1.
Strengthening PR is to realize the alternatives in policy rather than the
alternation of party. It prevents political opportunists from manipulating the
mass for their personal/group’s political ends. Hence, PR’s alternative vision
to that of BN must be more plural and progressive philosophically rather than
more conservative and exclusive fundamentalism, which should include：
1.1 Emphasize more on civil liberty but less on ethnic
equality. Equality frightens away the Malays who are enjoying the “special
privileges”. Promoting civil liberties does not make the Malays feel
threatened. As liberty is the source of rights, we seek more freedom of speech,
press freedom, freedom of assembly, cultural freedom, and freedom in education.
The expansion of liberty helps in the struggle for more liberty next.
1.2 Emphasize solidarity rather than elite
meritocracy. In addition to more social support for those in need, it also
rebuts UMNO’s slander on PR (especially DAP) as the Singapore PAP’s style of
“the rule of Chinese elites”.
1.3 Emphasize sustainable development. Let “green
politics” be part of the political mainstream to dilute UMNO’s communal
political discourse.
1.4 Emphasize gender equality. Let gender politics to
break the feudal notions in authoritarian politics. Engage women in the
movement to change.
1.5 Emphasize communitarianism. Let the racism and
individualism be replaced by the political notions of communes, common values,
common good, and altruism.
2. Electoral fraud produces unjust results. If PR is
to be serious in regime change, they have to courageously challenge the rigged
electoral system; else, they would not be able to topple BN’s government via
existing electoral process in GE14. To pose formidable challenge to the rigged
electoral system and to break it, it has to “challenge the boundaries”.
2.1 Means: Integration of street protest movement and
parliamentary struggle (Democracy and liberty through challenging boundaries
consistently).
2.2 Effect:
Integration of mobilization scale and persistency (breaking the SOP of “no
overnight assembly”)
2.3 Venue:
integration of symbolism and paralytics
2.4 Legality: opposition parties under authoritarian
regimes are often show-window of democracy. The philosophy of oppression often
regards parliamentary struggle as the legal means, while street struggle as the
illegal means. Some “election politicians” subscribe to these notions, becoming
“Parliamentary cretinism”. They are legislative-indoctrinated individuals who
would avoid “challenging the boundaries” (to be illegal under draconian laws).
In democratization, the justness and progressiveness of laws enacted by the executive-led
legislative are often dependent on the extent of street struggle. Being
persistently resisted and the change of objective conditions, the legality of
draconian laws enacted in the past will be questioned and negated. Hence, being
legal, semi-legal, semi-illegal, and illegal are not an absolute and static
notion.
2.5 Price: collective action poses strong deterrence
to the government, which minimizes the repression on individual’s
participation. Most MPs/ADUNs are afraid of being convicted and fined RM2000
and thus lost their YB’s status. As a result, they are “invincible in the
house, but powerless on the street”.
2.6
Follow-up: launch voter’s registration campaign immediately. Consistent PACABA
(polling agent, counting agent, barung agent) training courses. Promoting local
government election, and PR to strengthen the skills of election campaign.
3. Combination of parliamentary struggle and mass
movement.
3.1 Democratic movement is not just election
campaign. However, election should neither be exaggerated nor overlooked.
3.2 “Regime change” is an important means to the nation’s
democratization, but not the only means.
3.3 Daily participation and oversight of the public on the state
power (including PR state governments and PR MPs) could not be replaced by an
election in every 5
years.
3.4 Each election (including by-election) is a political
education for the masses. Siege the opportunity to fight in the election
seriously. No giving up and giving in.
3.5 PR representatives should not claim to have fought in parliament
by just attending house sitting. Nor should they claim to have done mass
struggle by doing social service in their own constituencies.
3.6 Civil society needs to oversee the performance of PR
representatives
in houses, including their attendance, contents of speeches, ability to
debate, voting record and their spirit to fight, based on the principles of
democracy, liberty and social justice.
3.7 Civil society should also oversee the performance of PR
representatives outside of houses, including social service; whether they
organize, lead and participate in street struggle movement; cooperation with NGOs;
and whether they collude with big business at the expense of voters etc.
3.8 To build mass movement, civil society should bring up social
leaders with mass charisma, who possess the ability to articulate progressive
discourse, courage to debate with the conservatives or politicians, the ability to
promote their ideas (via publications and leaflets), the ability to build up
organization (including formation of united front and penetration of
conservative’s camp), and the ability to mobilize masses etc.
3.9 Unorganized masses are just a group of ordinary people in the eye of authoritarian regime. Thus, civil society must
have organization, idea, education and action to oversee and challenge the
authoritarian regime.
3.10 Election campaign (including speeches, audio-visual effects,
mascots, peripheral products, and slogans) is an art of building up the mass.
Under some resource constraints, DAP mastered the key, and therefore brought
the election campaign’s fervour to the highest.
3.11 To broaden the scope of unity, thought leaders in civil
society should avoid several social movement mistakes, such as “sectarianism”, arrogance
and other social movements “infantilism”.
4. Embracing
new technology, exploring new thinking, creating new condition, building new
order.
4.1 To pose a formidable challenge to the authoritarian regime,
new media by the technology revolution, such as facebook, twitter, youtube,
internet radio, and internet video must be used.
4.2 Technology revolution is a means, but revolution in ideas
is the content. Make good use of new tool to promote new ideas to challenge
BN’s cultural hegemony.
4.3 Gramsci’s
“A war of Position”: civil society should expand its influence. In particular,
not only should young people join associations, but should also lead
them, transform their culture and even found new associations.
4.4 Sun-Tzu’s Art of War: Good warriors put themselves in an undefeatable position, before pursuing the chance of victory. Being undefeatable put one in upper hand, then waiting to exploit weaknesses within the enemy. Good warriors put themselves in undefeatable position, but may not necessarily defeat their enemies. In other words, victory can be predicted, but can be not guaranteed. Now, how should PR and civil society lay our strategies for democracy and liberty?
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